The Eisenhower NOT taught by the history books | Part 2 LIVESTREAM BEGINS AT 8:30 PM EST
Summary
➡ This text talks about the power of money and science, and how they can influence public policy. It emphasizes the importance of balancing these forces within a democratic system, and not just focusing on the present, but also considering the future. It also discusses the need for peace and mutual respect among nations, and the responsibility that comes with freedom. The text ends with a call for all people to work towards eliminating poverty, disease, and ignorance, and to live in peace and mutual respect.
➡ The Russian Civil War led to the establishment of the Communist International in Moscow, aiming to overthrow the entrepreneurial class worldwide. This period, known as the Red Terror, was marked by brutal tactics and mass murders, causing fear and submission among the Russian people. In America, the Red Scare was a time of communist anarchist terror and political agitation, leading to violence and bombings. By 1922, the Soviet Union was established, spanning Eurasia, and its brutal regime shocked the world.
➡ Ike, a military man, was mentored by General Fox Connor and had connections with influential figures like Bernard Baruch. Baruch convinced Ike that the U.S. needed to prepare for another world war, leading to the creation of the War Policies Commission. Ike also worked with General Douglas MacArthur, planning for potential future wars. His brother, Milton Eisenhower, was a supporter of FDR’s New Deal and had a significant influence on Ike’s political views.
➡ During the Great Depression, Milton Eisenhower, as part of the New Deal, defended the killing of millions of pigs to boost prices, even though many people were starving. He worked closely with Secretary Wallace, who convinced FDR to add the new world order pyramid to the dollar bill. There were suspicions of communist influence in Wallace’s agricultural department, with several officials later identified as communists. Milton’s brother, Dwight Eisenhower, also had a significant role in government, with his ideas greatly influencing President Eisenhower’s views on government functions.
➡ I’m really tired and plan to spend a lot of time reading this book to finish it by Tuesday. Enjoy the rest of your night and I’ll see you when I can. Goodnight, everyone. Bye.
Transcript
Yes, it is functioning. So what I’m going to do here before I just as a temporary measure, because I’ve been at this for about like 3 hours trying to help Rob get everything going. I have not had a break at all, not even to get up and do anything. So I’m going to find a real quick video here that I want to play the. I’m going to play this.
It’s the Eisenhower farewell address, the military industrial complex. And I’m only going to play this just because I need like ten minutes because I got to go get a couple of things done. But I want to give you guys something to actually have to do instead of just being dead space. And I wanted to get on here and do this, but I’m going to get back here and finish reading or get into the book.
But I wanted to give you guys something to watch here. Let’s see here. Where is it? And obviously this is important because this is a big deal. We’re actually going to go over this next week with Mike. And I kind of spoke about this this morning with the colonel when we were doing the colonel’s corner. So how are you doing there, SJ? Here, I’m going to play this.
This is 16 minutes and I’m going to play it. But I will be back. So enjoy this, guys, and I will be back shortly. Come to an end at noon Friday. Mr. Eisenhower has chosen this time for his final speech. Ladies and gentlemen, the president of the United States. Good evening, my fellow Americans. First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation.
My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening, three days from now. After half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office. As in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the presidency is vested in my successor. This evening I come to you with a message of leave taking and farewell. And to share a few final thoughts with you, my countryman.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new president and all who will labor with him Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all our people. Expect their president and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when long ago a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the element during the war and immediate post war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well to serve the nation good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together. We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century, that has witnessed four major wars among great nations.
Three of these involved our own country. Despite these Holocausts, America is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this preeminence, we yet realize that America’s leadership and prestige depend not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interest of world peace and human betterment. Throughout America’s adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations.
To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad. Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology, global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method.
Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is call for not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of Cris, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint, the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty, the state. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment, crises there will continue to be.
In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defenses, development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture, a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research. These and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration. The need to maintain balance in and among national programs. Balance between the private and the public economy. Balance between the cost and hoped for advantages. Balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable. Balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual. Balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future.
Good judgment seeks balance in progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well in the face of threat and stress. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these I mention two only a vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment.
Our arms must be mighty ready for instant action so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed, by the fighting men of World War II or Korea. Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and, as required, make swords as well.
But we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. We have been compelled to create a permanent arm and industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security alone, more than the net income of all United States corporations. Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the american experience.
The total influence, economic, political, even spiritual, is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. So is the very structure of our society. In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence. Whether sought or unsought by the military industrial complex.
The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted, only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together. Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial military posture has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central. It also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of the federal government. Today, the solitary inventor tinkering in his shop has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research.
Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard, there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded. Yet in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become.
The captive of a scientific technological elite is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system, ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society. Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society’s future, we, you and I and our government must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow.
We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent fandom of tomorrow. During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate and be instead a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same competence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many fast frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certainty agony of the battlefield. Disarmament with mutual honor and confidence is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose.
Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war. As one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road. So in this, my last goodnight to you. As your president, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace.
I trust in that. In that. In that service you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future. You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations under God will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the nation’s great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America’s prayerful and continuing aspiration. We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations may have their great human needs satisfied. That those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full. That all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings. Those who have freedom will understand also its heavy responsibility, that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity and that the sources scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made disappear from the earth.
And that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love. Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it. Thank you and good night. We have presented the farewell address by the president of the United States. Freaking mute. God dang it, hearing him talk.
I muted myself. Anyway. I muted myself so I wouldn’t make noise. And then I forgot to take myself off mute. I guess it’s better than leaving this on. Anyway, hearing that guy talk about God and prayer and stuff like that. He has any right to seek out anything from a moral standpoint. The guy was just knowing what I know now. It’s nauseating. But anyway, I’m probably only going to be able to get through one section tonight just because the time is short.
So I’m going to go ahead and just jump in here and knock this bad boy, out to the best of my ability tonight here. And let’s get her done here. Okay, so this is section three, the rise of the reds, a crash course, and, I mean, there’s going to be a lot of probably overlap here from some of the stuff that we’ve already discussed. Let’s see here. Not to distract, but what’s the shirt you got on there? So the shirt says, a lie does not become truth just because it’s accepted by the majority, which is one of my most favorite.
Uh, I think that was Booker T. Washington who said that it’s one of my favorite. Favorite. Uh, and I know I said thank you already, but thank you. My. I was literally asleep on Sunday morning, and my mom called me and said, hey, somebody’s talking about you, the buryan. I’m like, what? You know what, guys? I’ve been slacking on getting my store up, but I promise you I will get that up this week.
I promise I get it up because I’ve got a lot of really cool designs and whatnot, and I know that there’s a lot of people who want them. I’ll get that up and get that going so that people can, because I’ve got some really, actually, I think some really cool ones that are unique and I like being different and unique. But, yeah, I’ve been saying I’m going to do that and I don’t have a good excuse.
So instead of trying to make a good excuse, I’m just going to say I own that I’ve been not doing what I needed to get done and I’ll get it done anyway. Let’s jump in here. So, February of 1917, as the russian economy deteriorated and the war became unpopular. Of course, this is 1917, so this is like three years into World War I, the February revolution began. Communists, progressive socialists and disaffected soldiers combined to destabilize the already weakened reign of Tsar Nicholas II.
The tsar was forced to abdicate his throne and put under house arrest pending exile. Jews worldwide celebrated the abdication of the russian tsar. A center left coalition government consisting mainly of democratic socialists and communists was established and a power struggle between the two groups followed. Socialist Prime Minister Karinsky struggled to keep a bad economy afloat, an unstable coalition of government together and a tired russian nation in the war.
The time was ripe for the Reds to stage another violent attempt at power. This time, Trotsky, Lenin and their evil gang succeeded with backing from some red troops. The capital city of Petrograd, or St. Petersburg, was seized during the October Revolution, aka Red October, Karensky fled for his life and the new soviet regime immediately moved to pull Russia out of the war before Germany could beat them outside of Petrograd, the predominantly jewish red government was not reorganized or, excuse me, was not recognized as legitimate.
A bloody civil war began between the jewish led Reds and the christian whites, which would follow after the fall of St Petersburg. To the Reds, a counter revolutionary civil war tore Russia apart for three more years. The various opponents of the Reds were collectively referred to as the whites, led mainly by Admiral Kolchek. When it became apparent that Red revolutionary Army, composed of workers and some ex Azarist troops, was far too small to put down the counter revolution, Trotsky instituted mandatory construction of the peasantry into the Red army.
Opposition to Red army conscription was overcome by terror tactics. Hostages and their families were tortured and killed when necessary to force compliance. Tsar Nicholas II had hoped to be exiled to the UK while Karinsky was in power, but his british ally had refused to take him in. The Bolsheviks communists held Nicholas, his wife Alexandra and four daughters and young son under house arrest. Their red captors forced them to live on rations.
As a boy, Nicholas had witnessed the bombing murder of his grandfather, Alexander II in 1881. Nicholas tragic error was in failing to execute the Red Scum such as Lennon and Trotsky after their failed 19 five revolution. His misguided mercy returned to haunt him and his family. On the evening of July 1617 of 1918, the royal Romanoff family was awakened at 02:00 a. m. Told to dress and then herded into the cellar of a house in which they were being held.
Moments later, jewish Reds stormed in and gunned down the entire family, their doctor and three servants in cold blood. Some of the Romanov daughters were stabbed and clubbed to death when the initial gunfire failed to kill them. News of the brutal murder of the Romanovs sent shockwaves throughout Russia and all of Christian Europe when the Russian Civil War rang. With the russian Civil War raging, the communist international, known as the Common Turn, was established in Moscow, Russia.
The common turn stated openly that its intention was to fight by all available means, including armed force for the overthrow of international bourgeoisie or the entrepreneurial class, and for the creation of an international soviet republic or world government. From 1918 to 1922, commentary affiliated parties form in France, Italy, China, Germany, Spain, Belgium, the United States and other nations. All communists operated under the direction of the Soviets, who were themselves financed and assisted by the same international bankers that owned Wilson, created the Federal Reserve and brought about the Great War.
The russian communist plan to strategically use terror to intimidate their white adversaries into submission. On orders from Lenin and Trotsky. The red terror is announced by the jewish Yakov Svedlov. The red terror is marked by mass arrests in the middle of the night, executions, and hideously creative tactics of torture. As many as 100,000 Russians are murdered in the red terror carried out by the jewish run cheka, or secret police.
Among the atrocities committed often in view of victim family members, are 40,000 white prisoners publicly hanged in the Ukraine. Burning coals inserted into women’s private parts. Crucifixions. Rapes of women of all ages. Victims submerged in boiling oil and tar. Victims doused with petrol and burned alive. Victims placed in coffins filled with hungry rats. Victims soaked with water and turned into human ICE cubes in winter. Priests, monks and nuns having molten lead poured down their throats.
By demoralizing terror takes a. Or, excuse me. The demoralizing terror takes a heavy psychological toll on the frightened russian people. By 1922, many are broken into submission to the Czech monsters. What modern day liberal historians mockingly referred to as the first Red scare was nothing to laugh about. Coming just 18 years after the Reds had murdered President McKinley, the 1919 Red Scare was marked by a campaign of communist anarchist terror and radical political agitation, set against the backdrop of Lenin’s ongoing bloodbath and Wilson’s crashing economy.
In April, 30 booba trap male bombs were sent to prominent Americans after the first bomb fizzles and the second injures the wife of a US senator. The remaining 28 were intercepted by postal authorities. On May 1 or Mayday, Reds staged large rallies which led to violence in Boston, New York and Cleveland. Two died and 40 were injured as patriots clashed with immigrant Reds. Later that year, eight more bombs were mailed, killing two innocent people.
The home of antired attorney general A. Mitchell Palmer was also bombed and heavily damaged. Fortunately for Palmer and his family, the bomb detonated prematurely, killing Aldo Valdonici, the italian anarchist, planting it. In September, marxist union leaders organized steel strikes, soon followed by coal strikes. In 1920, a bomb placed on Wall street killed 38. The Red scare was no joke. The Reds mean business, and Americans were rightfully concerned.
The efforts of Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer weakened the Reds. Greatly. Opposed by pro Red ACLU, undermined by some of the Wilson cabinet, and undeterred by the bombing of his own home, Palmer presses on with his roundup and investigations. Palmer’s federal agents often rough up the foreign Reds, including many russian jewish radicals, as well as italian and former east european anarchists. In November of 19, Palmer deports 249 foreign Reds, including top leaders such as Red Emma Goldman, who inspired and praised the 19 one McKinley murder.
Palmer then focuses on the marxist labor strikes, leaving his young assistant and future FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, to fight the foreign reds. Hoover rounds up 3000 more radicals. Hennall 5000 radicals are arrested, 556 of which are booted out of America. Good riddance. In New York, a horse drawn carriage stops on the Wall street financial district business corner. The driver leaves the scene. Inside of the carriage, 100 pounds of dynamite with 500 pounds of iron shrapnel are set to explode in a timer set detonation.
The horse and wagon are blasted into small fragments. The 38 victims, most of who die within moments of the blast, are mostly young people who work as messengers, clerks and brokers. Many of the wounded suffer severe disfiguring injuries. Prior to the blast, flyers were found in a nearby post office. Written in red ink, the flyers promised violence if political prisoners were not released. At the bottom was written american anarchist fighters.
The actual perpetrators will never be caught. But the terrorist red movement in America is clearly behind the mass murder. And this is a picture of the automobiles being overturned. Crazy. Lenin’s oppression of the russian people broke their strength and the will to resist. The famine of 1921 was partly due to the folly of central economic planning, as well as to a deliberate effort to kill off any Russians still not willing to support the red takeover.
The communists ran the money printing presses to finance their civil war and welfare schemes. When inflation followed, they imposed price controls, causing farmers to lose money by farming. Compounding the shortage was the red seizure of seeds. The horrific famine was then used to selectively feed those regions submissive to the reds and to starve out those loyal to the whites. Starving Russians and Ukrainians resorted to eating grass or even cannibalizing the dead.
The horror escalated when Lenin deliberately blocked foreign aid efforts. When the death toll reached 10 million, Lenin finally allowed relief when it did not for mostly american aid. Or, excuse me, were it not for mostly american aid, the death toll for Lenin’s cruelty would have doubled. At the conclusion of the Red Terror. Red famine and red white civil war in 1922, Lenin and Trotsky formally established the Soviet Union with its capital city in Moscow.
The former Russian Empire was now also known as the USSR Union of Soviet socialist republics. The communist giant spanned Eurasia. Of its multi ethnic republics, the russian republic was by far the largest and most populated. The well known criminal brutality of the Soviets shocked the world, as did the communist declarations to infiltrate and overthrow all other nations. For these reasons, three consecutive republican presidents, Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover, all refused to diplomatically recognize the Soviet Union.
Yeah, this is crazy, phony symbolism. The hammer and sickle on the soviet flag symbolizes the communist love for the workers. The enormous russian empire is now the evil soviet empire. And you guys know I like maps, so I’m going to do something here just because I think it would be a good. I think some of you guys have probably seen this in the past, but just for the sake of doing it again, let’s see here.
I’m going to do blue, and I’m going to do the carving out of Russia. All right? So this is the russian border. Her right here, and here’s. And up through there. Okay? And then obviously I’m not going to do all this. But this is all Russia as well. Now, the Soviet Union being read was this and this and this. So that doesn’t seem like a lot, but that’s a lot of freaking land.
Compare this land right here. I mean, just look at Kazakhstan by itself. And Kazakhstan by itself is almost the size of Alaska. And that’s not including all of the. And then if you also include the. Call it the. Let’s see here. Call it the Warsaw Pact countries, which was East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Romania, all of the eastern blocking here and whatnot, these were all the communist governments in eastern Europe.
The communist influence was absolutely enormous. Absolutely enormous. When Lenin died in 1924, Joseph Stalin, secretary of the Communist party central committee, skillfully outmaneuvered Red army leader Lev Trotsky to take leadership of the USSR. Stalin would eventually expel Trotsky from the party, then from the USSR itself. Finally, he would have his marxist rival axed through his brain by a soviet agent in Mexico. Stalin’s brutality instilled fear not only in the enslaved people of the Soviet Union, but also in the hearts of the fellow communists that the paranoid Stalin believed might challenge his leadership.
The egomaniac renamed a city after himself Stalingrad, and erected statues of his likeness in town squares. In the years to come, Stalin’s chilling crimes against humanity will make Lenin’s reign of terror and red famine seem like minor infractions by comparison. A quote to remember, you must understand, the leading Bolsheviks who took over Russia were not Russians. They, the Bolsheviks. Jews hated Russians. They hated Christians. Driven by ethnic hatred, they tortured and slaughtered millions of Russians without a shred of human remorse.
It cannot be overstated. Bolshevism committed the greatest human slaughter of all time. The fact that most of the world is ignorant and uncaring about this enormous crime is proof that the global media is in the hands of the perpetrators. And that was by Alexander Solcinitsen. Section four. Let me see here. Let’s see how long this is. Yeah, I can do this. I’ll do one more. Okay, so we’ll go through section four.
And this is Eisenhower. Between the wars, Major Eisenhower went on to serve as a battalion commander at Fort Benning, Georgia, until 1927. As a result of America’s postwar isolationism, a propaganda term for nonintervisionism abroad, military priorities diminished. Many of his friends diminished. Many of his friends resigned for high paying business jobs. But Ike still had connections and knew that his day in the sun would come. Indeed, his mentor, the aforementioned General Fox Connor, had openly predicted that another war with Germany would eventually break out in Europe.
Icke was assigned to the American Battle Monuments Commission, directed by General Pershing. And perhaps the ghost writing helped help of his brother, Milton Eisenhower, then a journalist at the agricultural department. He produced a guide to american battlefields in Europe. He then was assigned to the Army War College and graduated in 1928. After a one year assignment in France, he served as executive officer to General George V. Mosely, assistant secretary of war.
During that time, he had also consulted General Pershing on the writings of the general’s World War I memoirs. God, I was born at Fort Benning. I’m going to see what this is. Placket Benning commemorates Eisenhower during the late 1920s and time when Americans wanted nothing ever again to do with foreign wars. Globalist warmonger Bernard Baruch insisted that the United States needs to be prepared or prepare for the possibility of another world war.
To that end, he lobbied for the establishment of an even more powerful version of the war industry’s board that he had commanded during World War I. A most revealing passage from military historian James Wilbanks, generals of the army, explains how Eisenhower’s career got another boost after meeting with Baruch in 1929, a meeting which appears to have been set up based upon General Pershing’s refusal of his assistant Eisenhower to his friend Baruch.
Eisenhower met with Bernard Baruch. Baruch advocated significant government control during times of emergency, and he believed that an agency akin to the War Industries board needed to have the power to exercise centralized control over vital economic resources. Baruch convinced Eisenhower. In 1930, Congress created the War Policies Commission to perform the duties outlined by Baruch. The new commission wanted mobilization plans as the foundation for its work, and it fell to Eisenhower, Major Gilbert Wilkes, and General George Mosley to draft the report, the majority of the writing being assigned to Eisenhower.
Eisenhower paved the way for this report by publishing an article, Fundamentals of industrial mobilization, in the summer of 1930, issue of the army ordinance. Translation with the destruction of Germany, part two in mind, King Baruch told the ambitious major exactly what he wanted, and Ike obediently obeyed or delivered. Rather years later, in his own World War II memoirs, Eisenhower would fondly recall his 1929 experience with his most powerful makeover, Eisenhower, expressing full agreement with Baruch’s communistic vision for managing the american economy.
During that time, I met and worked with many people whose opinions I respected highly. Among these, an outstanding figure was Bernard Baruch, for whom my admiration was and is profound. I still believe that if Mr. Baruch’s recommendations for universal price fixing and his organizational plans had been completely and promptly adopted in December of 41, this country would have saved billions in money. That’s just insane. Headline from Geffen publishing of Israel, May 8, 2012 the Jew who saved Winston Churchill’s political career one of Winston Churchill’s favorite Americans was Bernard Baruch.
In addition to being a wealthy financier, Baruch served for a long time as a trusted advisor and confidant to President Roosevelt. Another of Baruch’s attributes was the ability to discern that Winston was a great statesman but an extremely inept investor. On a trip to America in 1932, Churchill paid a visit to Baruch in his office and decided to do some trading on his own. At the end of the day, Churchill lost so much money on his trading that he told Baruch that he was a financially ruined man and would have to leave politics to work and pay back the debt he racked up.
Baruch gently informed Churchill that he had lost nothing since he left instructions to his employees to watch Churchill’s transactions as he went about his morning, as he went about his trading. And every time Churchill sold, Baruch’s employees were there to buy the same thing or same securities. And every time Churchill bought, Baruch’s employees were to sell. By the end of the day, Churchill was back to where he started, and Baruch’s firm even absorbed all of the commissions.
Thus it was that Winston Churchill was able to stay in politics. The Geffen piece is obviously a whitewash of what really happened. It makes it sound as though baruch merely protected Churchill’s money and helped him make some return on investment. What Baruch actually did for the alcoholic, spendaholic, financially ruined bum. Don’t hold back there, Mike, was to bail him out directly out of his own pocket for the purposes of saving his political career.
And in order to use him later on and an infamous criminal. And basically an infamous criminal to such as Churchill was too valuable as a human asset for man to be as shrewd as baruch to allow a waste in the wilderness years forever. God, I’m having a hard time having a hard time seeing tonight guys with the likes of General Connor and Pershing, as well as Baruch’s behind him.
Up and coming. Ike was assigned to serve as chief military aide to General Douglas MacArthur, the army’s chief of staff. His primary assigned duty was planning scenarios for the next war. In the peak depression year of 1932, the US Communist Party organized 43,000 marchers, 17,000 of which were unemployed veterans, for the bonus march on Washington DC. Incited by subversive communists, anarchists, the veterans and their families demanded that the republican president, Herbert Hoover, wrongly blamed for the US depression, and Congress pay them their promised World War I service bonuses now, instead of in 1945.
As deliberation continued on Capitol Hill, the bonus army built a shanty town they named Hooverville across the Potomac river in Anacosta Flats. When the Senate rejected their demands, most of the veterans returned home. But several thousand red troublemakers and determined vets remained in the Capitol. Contrary to their modern glorification at the bonus army, many rightly believed that the red led mob posed a threat to national security. On July 20, eigth, Washington police began to clear the demonstrators out of the capitol.
The marchers resisted and two men were killed as tear gas and bayonets were brought to bear fighting, rising disorder and marxist mayhem, Hoover ordered an army regiment into the city under the leadership of MacArthur. The army, complete with infantry, cavalry and tanks, rolled into anacosta flats, forcing the bonus army to flee. MacArthur then ordered the shanty settlements burned. The veterans fled across the Anacostia river to their largest camp, and Hoover ordered the assault stopped.
But the anti communist MacArthur, insisting that the bonus march was a communist attempt to overthrow the US government, heroically ignored the weak president and ordered a new attack. The equally anti communist Major George Patton led the cavalry charge. MacArthur was right, of course. Although most of the veterans in the bonus army meant no harm, the action itself was a communist inspired and communist led effort to destabilize the government by leveraging the power of numbers.
If not strongly nipped in the bud, the momentum would surely have grown to a dangerous level, as the Reds had already seized upon the suffering caused by the Great Depression as a means to swell their ranks during the military operation. And in private, Major Eisenhower strongly advised MacArthur against his necessary actions. MacArthur ignored him. Many years later, Eisenhower would state, I told that dumb son of a bitch not to go down there.
As we see in due course, Ike’s disagreements with MacArthur over the bonus army was not to be the only time that he would demonstrate sympathy toward communist scum and a parallel animosity toward anti communist patriots. Meet Milton Eisenhower, Ike’s rising Marx’s brother. Ike had six brothers. One of the brothers he was the closest to, but personally and professionally, or both personally and professionally, was younger brother Milton Eisenhower.
I once proudly declared much of his smarter brother. He’s a man of whom I’ve always been proud to say, my brother. He is the brightest member of our family. That’s no idle compliment. It’s the plain truth. We cannot fault a man for who his siblings are and what they believe, of course, but because, as ick himself freely, publicly, and repeatedly and proudly admitted, brother Milton was a trusted, a political mentor and possibly the ghost writer, Milton’s activities and beliefs are fair game.
Let’s meet Marxist Milty, shall we? Milton Stover Eisenhower was born in 1899 in Abilene, Kansas, the 6th son of the Eisenhowers. He graduated from Kansas State College with a degree in journalism in 1924. He then joined the foreign service, being posted in Scotland for two years. Returning to the United States, he briefly taught journalism before moving to Washington, DC to take a post in the department of Agriculture.
He eventually became the leading spokesperson for FDR’s communistic New Deal. He was named as the top aide to Roosevelt, Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace, a villain now known to have been a secret communist. In fact, Wallace’s first hiring action now was to appeal or to appoint Eisenhower as head of information services with instructions to transfer the department immediately into a vast action agency to restore parity of income to american farmers.
In his post as new deal propagandist, Milton enthusiastically defended Wallace’s slaughter of 6 million piglets, farm regimentation, and economic central planning. Just imagine, millions of people were hungry during the Great Depression, and comrades Wallace and Eisenhower were killed were hungry during the Great Depression. And comrades Wallace and Eisenhower killed millions of pigs and other livestock for the alleged purposes of propping up prices. Secretary Wallace, by the way, was the man who persuaded FDR to add the new world order pyramid to the.
Oh, shit, I did not know this. Secretary Wallace was the man who persuaded FDR to add the new world order pyramid to the back of the dollar bill. Wallace also later served as FDR’s vice president from 41 to 44. Oh, shit, I did not know that. When we understand that the method of operation of communist subversion involves one communist hiring and promoting a fellow comrade. The fact that comrade Wallace made Milton Eisenhower his far right hand throws up a huge red flag, no pun intended, over Ike’s beloved and admired brother.
George N. Peak, an administrator at agriculture, refused to speak to Eisenhower in or out of the department. Peak quit the department in protest over its marxist policies. And when Peak blasted Eisenhower, the communist Wallace came in to the defense. Milton Eisenhower is the best young executive in the department. Peak wrote about the red new dealers in his memoirs. I found I was not in a democratic administration, but in a curious collection of socialists and internationalists.
They, fanatic like, believed that their objectives transcended the objectives of ordinary human beings and therefore could not allow themselves to be hampered by platform pledges of the constitution. During Eisenhower’s service at Wallace’s agricultural department, there were at least two communist cells operating there. And one of these were Lee Pressman, an AAA official Agricultural Adjustment act, and John Abt, AAA legal official, and Charles Kramer, another AAA official. It was pressman, while later confessing the while later confessing to his communist subversion, who identified Abt and Kramer.
Henry Collins, another member of the staff of Wallace’s department of agriculture, was later identified by Whitaker Chambers, confessed communist, as also another member of the apparatus. This then was the shady cast of communist characters that Milton Eisenhower was closely hooked up with during the new Deal. Through his case, he was probably too clever to have actually joined the Communist Party USA, opting to faithfully serve the one world conspiracy as a fellow traveler.
Instead, many communist subversives went the fellow traveler route because then no one could ever accuse them of being a communist subversive or a soviet agent. Nobody here but us liberals defense and if you guys forgot what fellow traveler is, let’s look this up. Google search for fellow traveler fellow traveler is a person who intellectually sympathetic and let’s see here, is a person who is intellectually sympathetic to the ideology of a political organization and who cooperates in the organization’s politics and being a formal member.
In the early history of the Soviet Union, the Bolshevik revolution, a revolutionary and soviet statesman, Anatoly Lunakarsky, coined the term pop Tuchik, one of the travels the same path, and later it was popularized by Leon Trotsky to identify the vacillating intellectual supporters of the Bolshevik government. It was the political characterization of the russian intelligentsia, writers, academia and artists who were philosophically sympathetic to the Soviet, to the political, social and economic goals of the russian revolution of 1917, but who did not join the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
The usage of the term disappeared from political discourse in the Soviet Union during the stalinist era, but the western world adopted the english term fellow traveler to identify people who sympathized with the Soviets and the end with communism. So fellow traveler basically meant that these people were basically communists, but they didn’t want to be card carrying members of the communist party. Let’s see here. For three years during the New Deal decades of the 1930s, Marxist Milton and brother Dwight lived within a few blocks of each other and often spent many evenings together.
The New York Times, May 3, 1980 obituary for Milton confirmed. President Eisenhower often said privately that Milton did more than any other person to shape his own ideas of the proper functions of government. Emphasis added. Wonderful. There will be more communist dirt to come about military later on. Um, let’s see here. Major Dwight Eisenhower graduated from the Army Industrial College in Washington, DC in 1933 and later served on the faculty.
The school has since been renamed the Dwight D. Eisenhower School for National Security and Resource strategy. In 1935, he accompanied General MacArthur to the Philippines, where he served as a military advisor, and to the philippine government in developing their army. As Eisenhower continued to voice his disagreements with his boss regarding the role of the philippine army, the dispute and resulting antipathy between the two men lasted the rest of their lives.
Envious Ike not only often clashed with MacArthur, but he personally disliked him. Eisenhower would later say of this period, probably no one has had together fights or had tougher fights with a senior than I had with MacArthur. And another occasion, I just can’t understand how such a damn fool could have gotten to be a general. Now that is one heck of a statement coming from an almost court martial officer who, only as a result of being connected to Baruch, later became a mediocre desk general.
That damn fool MacArthur not only compiled the best record of any West Point cadet ever, he would later come to be regarded by his peers, his japanese adversaries in World War II and his north korean and chinese adversaries in the Korean War as a brilliant leader and tactician. And MacArthur didn’t care much for the devious young know it all assigned to him, either. But by this time, Ike was evidently projected or protected by two of Baruch’s powerful referred generals, Connor and Pershing.
So there wasn’t a damn thing MacArthur could do about this annoying little backstabbing sidekick. Author’s note it’s time for some more historical context. In the following section, we will review the parallel rides of Hitler and Roosevelt and set the stage for the second World War, the war which made Eisenhower again. Those who have either read the bad war or Planet Rothschild may choose to skip this section or skim through as a refresher course.
And with that, I’m going to take my tired ass to bed. I’m tired, guys. It has been a long, long day, and I know you guys can probably hear the tiredness in my voice. Let’s see here. Um. Let’s see. Devil cannot create anything new. So it’s always the same playbook. Yes. All through school I heard we have to learn history. Unless we repeat it. We’ve been repeating it over and over for centuries.
Amen to that yarn. Amen to that. Nothing new under the sun. Amen dealing with on end. With, I’m guessing ag department, state, local and federal since early 70s. Haven’t seen much from them. Help farmers. Just more restrictions and red tape. Exactly. That’s why. Because we don’t know the true history. It’s true. It’s all Bs. The Russians were slaughtered by the millions, losing to the communist Bolsheviks. Let’s see.
Glitch all but lost me. Thank you. I appreciate that. And as far as I understand it, glitch is no more. They basically have abandoned that whole thing. It’s done. It is. It is over. How long? The Z show on Monday with the three other people will wait. What? It. What do you mean? What are you talking about there, Mel? I didn’t know he was doing something else. You’re welcome there.
Yf. I appreciate it. Who put Eisenhower and power? Was the he doing. Who’s he doing the show with? Is it like a roundtable show like he did with us? Um. Whatever. I. I don’t even know. I haven’t even checked. I discovered the other day I was talking to somebody and apparently he doesn’t really like me very much. The word that was used is a four letter word that starts with a letter h.
So interesting. Winters. Wow. Okay. That’s interesting. That’s interesting. Well, whatever. Doesn’t. No skin off my back. I don’t care. But I am tired, guys. I did the show this morning with my cousin. I did another show with the colonel. Then we did that for 2 hours this morning. And that was actually a really good show. We’re going to do another one next week. And then I kind of got roped into helping Rob Cunningham.
He needed some help this afternoon to get his show working, to get his show up and running, and I came in and helped him and it was actually a really good show. He had some heavy hitters in there within the XRP community. And, yeah, some very heavy hitters. And that was actually a lot of fun. I enjoyed that, but it made me late to this show. But I’m getting kind of droopy eyed anyway.
All right, well, on that note, I’m going to let you all enjoy the rest of your evening. And I’ve got to go feed my little furry critters. And then I’m going to relax. I’m probably just going to go to sleep. I actually am pretty tired. So you all enjoy the remainder of your evening, and I look forward to seeing you guys. Mana. I’m going to probably try to power through the vast majority of this book because I want to get it done or be close to done by Tuesday.
So I’m probably going to power through quite a bit of this. You all enjoy the remainder of your evening, and I will see you when I see you. Have a good night, everybody. Bye. .
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