To the untold History Channel, it is Monday 24th June. You know, one thing that I always kind of have a sad day for me is the 22 June, because that’s the day that we every, every day starts to get shorter and shorter and shorter. 22nd, the 21st is like the peak, the equinox, if you will, or, I’m sorry, not the equinox, but the solstice. And then every day from now on is starting to get shorter and shorter until December 20 and or 21st or whatever it is. And then it’s like the shortest day of the year, so long as that year is beyond us.

And now, I mean, you really won’t notice anything until probably like October. But it’s still. I don’t know, it’s just one of those, one of those things. I always, that’s one thing I always like when I celebrate around, right around the Christmas time is this, is this all the days are starting to get longer. Of course, that’s what really, the whole, that, that was what the Christmas celebration was, was celebrating the long, getting the days getting longer. I kind of celebrated for what it was originally supposed to be. But anyway, I digress. Thank you, Safari. Yes, I did make it home safely.

Did make it home safely. And tonight I’m going to. I’m going to start to go down. I’m actually going to dive into another one of Mike’s books. And this is called mine side of the story. And it’s essentially, it’s kind of what the title says. It’s the german perspective of. Right. Right before World War two. And I’m just going to go ahead and dive into the book. You know what I mean? I have learned so much by reading Mike’s books. Things that I didn’t know. Things that I thought I knew and I didn’t know. So anyway, I’m going to dive into this, and it’s not because I’m trying to celebrate Germany, but it’s just because I’m just trying to get know I want to.

I want to. I want a full perspective or an even more, a broader perspective on what I think I know. So. So let’s dive in here and let’s get the party started here. All right, so, introduction. Aesop’s fable of the man and the lion. A man and a lion traveled together through the forest. They began to boast of their respective superiority to each other in order to. In, uh, in strength and power and prowess. As they were disputing, they passed a statue carved in stone which depicted a lion strangled by a man. The man pointed to it and said, see there how strong we are, how we prevail over the king of the beasts.

The lions replied, well, this statue was made by one of you men. If we lions erected statues, you would see the man placed under the pawn of the lion. The lesson? One story is good until another is told. Interesting. A scandal erupted in January of 1995 when the incoming speaker of the House of Representatives, Newt Gingrich, appointed Christina Jeffrey, a former colleague from Kennesaw State University, to post to the post of House historian. The major media controversy arose over comments Jeffrey had made in 1986 while evaluating the World War Two portion of a program called facing history and ourselves for the Department of Education, Miss Jeffrey had written, the program gives no evidence of balance or objectivity.

The nazi point of view, however unpopular, is still a point of view and is not presented. Jewish groups and the national press exploded into rage over the unearthing over the unearthed comments, false allegations of anti semitism were hurled at Miss Jeffrey as the gutless Gingrich left his former colleague to twist in the wind, alone and undefended. Though Jeffrey insisted that the allegations against her were slanderous and outrageous, it wasn’t enough to silence the rabbit attack dogs. True to his ignoble form, Gingrich abruptly fired her, stating through his spokesman, her statement was inadmissible on its face. The historian of the house could never be someone who had uttered those words.

But what was so bad about her comments? Why the media firestorm? Shouldn’t both sides of every historical event always be presented simply for no other reason than to satisfy historical curiosity? Our system of justice grants prima facie murderers, rapists, and serial killers the opportunity to speak, does it not? Indeed, convicted killers like Charles Manson, David son of Sam Berkowitz, Richard Speck, Jeffrey Dahmer and others have done televised interviews. Even the erroneous and dangerous ranting of Karl Marx is taught no glorified in the american universities. So what is the so gosh darn dangerous? So what is so gosh darn dangerous about merely presenting the opinion of a of Hitler’s Germany? If that opinion is as evil and as fallacious as it is said to be, then why not present it to the.

Why not present the full story and then logically refute it? Truth is its own defense. So what is there to fear about simply hearing the other side? Do we really believe in free speech and academic freedom, or do we not? Are we like retarded little children that need to be shielded from mere words? Or is somebody hiding something? Hmm? And the purported american, purportedly american belief that no one has the right to deprive you of access to information. The purpose of putting together mindsight of the story is merely to present Germany’s version of the events in regard to the great catastrophic bloodbath known as World War Two.

This is Hitler’s side of the story, revealed in his own spoken and written words. Only the brief mind side blurbs and caption illustrations have been added. A pair of wartime addresses by german foreign minister von Ribbentrop and one from japanese emperor Hirohito are also included. The speeches and writings are all 100% authentic. Some have been slightly abridged in order to avoid redundancy and to keep the booklet to a brief length. Modern court historians and journalists do not deny the content of these addresses. They can’t. Instead, they simply ignore them, childishly denouncing anyone who does attempt to resurrect them as nazi or anti semitic.

The common theme that runs throughout these addresses is that Germany, and also Japan believed that World War Two was imposed upon them. You don’t have to agree with that assessment. You don’t have to like it. In fact, you don’t even. You can even laugh at it. But it is their point of view, or at least their stated point of view. It is a position that until now, you have not been permitted to even hear. Indeed, it is only via the miracle of the Internet that these documents have again become accessible to those willing to snoop around and dig up from memory hole of buried history.

Do we put these. Do with these words as you will. Don’t just shoot your humble messenger for putting these highly interesting addresses together for your consideration. And, of course, this is Dahmer Manson, Ted Bundy, and son of Sam. So. All right. Okay, here we go. The setting, 1930s. Few people realize just how popular. Prior to World War two, Adolf Hitler actually was not just within Germany, but also throughout greater Europe. By 1935, after just two years in power, it had become clear to the world that the atrocity stories about Germany were baseless. The jewish boycott effort had failed.

Hitler had renounced any claims to the disputed Alsace Lorraine region. That’s in France. And the rapid economic, cultural, and social recovery of Germany was self evident. Monarchs, prime ministers, politicians, clergymen, artists, and poets from across the Europe, from across Europe were publicly singing the praises of the Fuhrer. Even some Americans came to admire Hitler from afar. Germany was depressed, demoralized, and ransacked country when Hitler assumed control in 1933. In just four years time, a 33% unemployment rate was brought down to essentially full employment, once not worth the paper it was printed on the german mark, became the most stable currency in the world.

Germany under Hitler also experienced a cultural and moral rebirth than then even its former enemies. I think that’s all. Germany under Hitler also experienced a culture and moral rebirth, probably supposed to be better than even its former enemies. The ones who had plunged her into despair following the cruel and unusual post World War one treaty of Versailles now marveled at Germany’s resurgence. Former british prime minister David Lloyd George, soon after having visited Hitler in 1936, had this to say. It is not the Germany of the decade that followed the war. Broken, dejected, and bowed down with a sense of apprehension and impotence.

It is now full of hope and confidence and of a renewed sense of determination to lead its own life without interference from any influence outside of its own frontiers. One man has accomplished this miracle. He is a born leader of men, a magnetic and dynamic personality with a single minded purpose, a resolute will and a dauntless heart. As to his popularity, there can be no manner of doubt. The old trust him. The young idolize him. It is not the admiration accorded to a popular leader. It is the worship of a national hero who has saved his country from utter despondence and degradation.

I have never met a happier people than the Germans. That’s very interesting. Hitler also had some defenders in America, including the hero of the 1936 Berlin Olympic Games, Jesse Owens. Owens not only refuted by the myth, or not only refuted the myth of Hitler having snubbed him because he was black. But he went on to take american reporters to task for disrespecting the man he referred to as the man of the hour. Most astonishing of all is the concessions made by Hitler’s future nemesis, Winston Churchill. In an article for Strand magazine, Churchill, in describing Germany’s resurrection, writes, 1 may dislike Hitler’s systems and yet admire his patriotic achievement.

If our country were defeated, I hope we. We should find a champion as indium, as indomitable to restore our courage and lead us back to our place among the nations. Interesting. I did not know, did not know that Winston Churchill said that. But further down the article, the objective, Churchill drops the other shoe by suggesting that Germany may possibly yet turn out to be a threat to world peace. We cannot tell whether Hitler will be the man who will once again let loose upon the world another war in which civilization will irretrievably succumb, or whether he will go down in history as the man who restored honor and peace of mind to the great germanic nation and brought them back to serene, helpful, and strong the european family circle.

It is on the mystery of the future that history will pronounce Hitler either as a monster or a hero. It is this which will determine whether he will rank invalhalla with Pericles, with Augustus, and with Washington, or whether or welter in the inferno of human scorn with Attila and Tamerlane. It is enough to say that both possibilities are open at the present moment. The german press and foreign ministry were quick to express displeasure with Churchill’s underhanded and speculative comparison of Hitler to a genocidal Hahn and Hmong leaders from antiquity. But Churchill’s anti government, anti german campaign was just getting started, along with his rise to political influence and the official version of World War two, history is correct, then Churchill’s warning issue, at a time, November 1935, when so many other big names were praising Hitler’s accomplishments, was indeed prophetic.

But if Adolf Hitler’s version of World War two, his story is correct, then Churchill’s warning amounted to a self fulfilling prophecy. Hence, it was no prophecy at all. Let us begin Hitler’s side of the story in March of 1938, a full 18 months before the kickoff of World War two. Again, keep in mind that even as even Churchill and so many others have admitted, Hitler’s happy Germany is neither harming nor threatening anyone at this point in time. Okay, these are the footnotes for the search terms. So he’s changed how he’s done a little bit here. All right, address number one.

This is March 12, 1938, on the merger with Austria. And I don’t know, a lot of. I don’t know if you lot of you guys know that Austria Hungary, you know, remember when Austria Hungary was. Was one country and they were. They were the second country that’s. In fact, they were. They were the. It was the prince, Archduke Ferdinand, who was the prince of Austria Hungary, and he went down into Sarajevo, into Yugoslavia, because yugoslavian territory was, I think, was being occupied by Austria Hungary. They had kind of taken it over. But after World War one, all those.

All those countries were, like, ripped apart, and Austria was on its own background. Following World War one, the Austria Hungary Empire was disintegrated by the victorious allies. The newly created state of Austria, Hitler’s birthplace, was forbidden from becoming part of Germany. Official history. Hitler strong armed his austrian homeland into forced annexation, or the Anschluss mind side of the story. The oppressed people of Austria wished to unite with Germany, but were forbidden by the west and their puppet, austrian government. Austrians welcomed me with open arms as their liberator. And this was a radio. This was a radio broadcast written by Hitler and wrote by Goebbels.

Germans. For years, we have witnessed the fate of our fellow Germans in Austria with deep distress. An eternal historical bond severed only by the events of the year 1866, but forged anew in the world war has, from time to time, has from time immemorial, destined Austria to take its place in the german national community and share its fate. The suffering which was imposed on this country, first from the outside and then from within, we experienced as our own. And we know that the misfortunes of the Reich caused millions of german Austrians similar anxiety and concern when the german nation regained the proud self confidence of a great people.

Thanks to the triumph of the ideals of national socialism in Austria, a new period of suffering and most bitter adversity began. A regime with no legal mandate was attempting, by means of the most brutal terror and physical mistreatment, as well as punitive and destructive economic measures to maintain an existence which was rejected by the vast majority of the austrian people. Thus, we, as a great people, saw how numerically small minority, which had simply been able to seize the necessary instruments of power, was suppressing more than 6 million people with whom we share a common origin. Their political disenfranchisement and the deprivation of their freedom were accompanied by an economic decline which was a shocking contrast to the blossoming of a new life in Germany.

Who could blame these unfortunate fellow Germans if they looked toward the Reich with longing eyes to that Germany with which their forefathers had been united for so many centuries, with which one had. With which they had once fought shoulder to shoulder in the most terrible of all wars, whose culture was their culture and to which they themselves had contributed their most cherished values in so many areas. To suppress these longings was to condemn hundreds of thousands of people to the most profound spiritual distress. Whereas years ago this suffering was still born patiently as the prestige of the Reich steadily increased to the determination, the determination to end this oppression became stronger and stronger Germans.

In recent years, I have tried to warn the former rulers in Austria not to continue on this path. Only a maniac could believe that suppression and terror can deprive human beings of their love of their own people. European history proves that this causes nothing more intense fanaticism. This fanaticism then forces the suppressor to employ ever crueler and violent methods which in turn only increases the revulsion and hatred felt by the victims of this violence. I also tried to convince those in power that the long run in its impossible, or that in the long run it is impossible because it is unworthy for a great nation to be forced constantly to watch as a people of their same nationality are persecuted and incarcerated merely because of their origin or their allegiance to a people or to their dedication to an idea.

Germany alone has had to accept more than 40,000 refugees. 10,000 others have been in jails, prison cells, and holding camps. In this small land. Hundreds of thousands have been made beggars, reduced to misery and poverty. In the long run to know in the long run, no nation in the world could tolerate such conditions on its borders without itself deserving same disrespect. In 1936, I tried to find some way which could offer the prospect of alleviating the tragic fate of this german brother nation and in this way, perhaps achieve genuine reconciliation. The agreement of July 11 was signed only to be breached a moment later.

The vast majority remained deprived of their rights. The humiliating position as a pariah in this state was no way changed. Anyone who openly supported the idea of one german nation continued to be persecuted, no matter whether he was a national socialist street laborer or an old meritorious army commander who had fought in the world war. I tried a second time to reach an understanding. I attempted to explain to the representatives of this regime who, without any legitimate mandate of his own, stood before me in my capacity as the elected leader of the german people. I tried to explain to him that in the long run this situation would become intolerable, since the growing outrage of the austrian people could not be suppressed forever by increasing the use of force, and that from a certain point, point in time, the Reich would find it impossible to continue to stand by and silently observe such outrageous treatment today, when even the solution to colonial problems must take into consideration the right or of inferior nations to self determination, it is intolerable that six and a half million members of an old and great civilized people are, in practical terms, deprived of these rights by the nature of the governing regime.

Hence, in a new agreement, I wanted all Germans in this country to be granted the same rights and subject be subject to the same obligations. This agreement was to fulfill the terms of the treaty of July 11, 1936. A few weeks later, it unfortunately became obvious that the men of the australian austrian government in power at the time had no intention of complying with these terms of disagreement. However, in order to acquire an alibi for their continued failure to grant equal rights to the austrian Germans, a plebiscite was devised which intended to finally deprive the majority of this country of its rights.

The modalities of this procedure were to be unique. A country which had not had an election for many years, which lacks all the documentation required to compile voters lists, announces a vote to which is to take place within just three weeks or, excuse me, within just three and a half days. There are no elect, there are no electoral lists, there are no voters cards, there is no scrutiny of the eligibility to vote, there is no obligation to preserve secret ballots. There is no guarantee that the voting will be conducted with impartiality. There is no method of ensuring fair counting of the votes and so on.

If these are the methods to give regime legality, then we national socialists in the German Reich were utter fools. For 15 years, we went through 100 election campaigns and took great pains to gain the approval of the german people. When the late Reich president finally called upon me to form the government, I was the leader of the party which had by far the strongest support in the Reich. Since then, I have repeatedly sought to have the legality of my existence and my actions confirmed by the german people. And it was confirmed in the methods Herr Schuschnigg wanted to use were the white ones.

Then the plebiscite we once held in the Sar can only have been a device to harass a people whose return to the Reich we wanted to make more difficult. We, however, do not subscribe to that view. I believe we can all be proud that it was. I believe we can all be proud that it was in the very plebiscite in the SAr that we received an indisputable vote of confidence from the german people. The german people of Austria themselves finally rose up in protest against this unprecedented attempt at election fraud. If, however, it was again the intention of the regime to simply crush the protest movement with brute force, the result could only be a new civil war.

The German Reich will, however, henceforth not permit Germans to be persecuted in this territory because of their membership in our nation or because they profess certain views. It wants peace and order. I have therefore decided to offer the millions of Germans in Austria the assistance of the Reich. Since this morning, soldiers of the german armed forces have been crossing all of the german austrian borders. Armored units, infantry divisions and SS units on the ground. And the German Luftwaffe in the skies, summoned by the new National Socialist government in Vienna will ensure that the austrian people are within the very near future, finally given the opportunity to determine for themselves their future and thus their fate.

Though through a genuine plevisite and these units are supported by the will and determination of the entire german nation. I myself, as Fuhrer and chancellor of the german people, will be happy once again to be able to enter the country which is also my homeland as a german and as a free citizen. The world, however, shall see for itself that the german people in Austria these days are filled with hours of blissful joy and deep emotion. They regard their brothers, who have come to their aid as saviors, who have rescued them from this great. From great distress.

Long live the national socialist German Reich. Long live national socialist German Austria. And then these are pictures of the people as the german soldiers are marching in. Delirious Austrians give Hitler a hero’s welcome. And then image six, which is this one right here, is Hitler laying a wreath at the gravesite of his parents. All right. Address number 2, October 1, 1938, on the crisis in Czechoslovakia. So let me pull this map up front. The map. Give me a second, guys. Here we go. Now leave different program here. There we go. Okay. All right. So what you see here is this is Austria down in here.

I don’t. I can’t kind of write. I can’t write on this. Let me make this bigger. So here is Austria Hungary right in here. Right. And then this is Slovakia or Czechoslovakia right here. Bohemia, Moravia, and Prague right in there. So. And that is a little bit. And then this was the Sudetenland. The Sudetenland was a portion of Czechoslovakia which they had taken away from Germany and given to Czechoslovakia. Background. After World War one, an area of 3 million german inhabitants was forced to become part of the new state of Czechoslovakia. The Sudetenland Germans wished to join Germany.

Official story as at the Munich conference of 1938, Hitler strong armed Neville Chamberlain of Britain and Daladier of France into giving him the Sudetenland and dissolving Czechoslovakia. After Chamberlain’s appeasement of Hitler, Germany snatched the Sudetenland. My side of the story the abuse of the Sudetenland Germans at the hands of Edvard Venice could no longer be tolerated. Nobody appeased me. The Munich conference was a fair and just settlement that avoided the war. That avoided war. And then this was Adol Taylor’s address to the Reichstag. For months, Germans in the Sudetenland have been suffering under the torture of the czechoslovak government.

This is a problem which the verse Versailles dictate created a problem which has deteriorated until it became intolerable for us. The sudeten german population was and is a german. The german minority living there has been ill treated in the most distressing manner. More than 1 million people of german blood had in the years 1919 to 1920 to leave their homeland. As always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It was a lie when the outside world said that we only tried to carry it through our revisions by pressure.

15 years before the National Socialist Party came to power, there was the opportunity of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and understanding. On my own initiative, I have not. I have not once, but several times made proposals for the revision of intolerable conditions. All of these proposals, as you know, have been rejected. Proposals for limitation of armaments and even if necessary, disarmament. Proposals for limitation of war making proposal, war making proposals for the elimination of certain methods of modern warfare. You know the proposals that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring german sovereignty over german territories.

You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding of the problem of Austria and now the Sudetenland. It was all in vain. Despite pressure from both us, Italy, France and Britain on the Czech. On Czech Czechoslovakia to cede the Sudetenland to us. Benez, who is the czech president, has as many times before refused to abide by the agreement and the persecution of the sudeten german minorities. Continue with his blessing. That night or this night, the german population in Sudaneland was victim for a massacre carried out by the czechoslovak army, which claimed the lives of 32 civilians.

Since 05:45 a.m. we have answered the call of the Sudan Germans to assure their safety. And from now on, terror will be terror. The oppressing regime in Prague must be stopped. Whoever fights with bombs will be fought with bombs. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its, our and its rights are secured. For five years now I have been working on the building up of the german defenses. Over 90 million have in that time been spent on the building up of these defense forces.

They are now the best equipped and are above all, comparison with what they were in 1914. My trust in them is unshakable. When I call upon these forces and when I now ask sacrifices of the german people, and if necessary, every sacrifice, then I have a right to do so. For I also am today absolutely ready, just as we were formerly, to make every possible sacrifice. I am asking of no german man more than myself. I was ready throughout four years. At any time to do, there will be no hardships for Germans to which I myself will not submit.

My whole life henceforth belongs more than ever to my people. I am from now on just 1st 1st soldier of the German Reich. I have once more put on that coat that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will not take it off again until victory is secured or I will not survive the outcome. Should anything happen to me in this and the struggle, then my first successor is party comrade Goring. Should anything happen to him departed comrade Goring. My next successor is party comrade Hess. You should then be under obligation to give to them as Fuhrer the same blind loyalty and obedience as to myself.

Should anything happen to party comrade Hess, then by law, the senate will be called and we will choose from the midst of the most worthy, that is to say, the bravest successor. As a national socialist and as a german soldier. I enter upon this struggle with a stout heart. My whole life has been nothing but one long struggle for my people and its restoration. And for Germany. There was only one watchword for that struggle. Faith in this people. One word. One word I have never learned. That is surrender. If, however, anyone thinks that we are facing a hard time, I should ask him to remember that once a prussian king with a ridiculously small state opposed a stronger coalition and in three wars finally came out successful because that state had the stout heart we need in these times.

Let’s see here. The real special ed says one. If you can, please tell me the name of the series you did about Europa. Okay, I’ll have to find that special ed. I’ll define that. It’s. I didn’t. I didn’t name it Europa on purpose, but I. I didn’t. I didn’t play all ten episodes. I think I played eight of them. But I named them in a way that I did. That it would cause people to, you know, be curious about looking into it and as opposed to naming it Europa. So. But I’ll tell you the dates and.

And put links up to those. If you could do me a favor. Special ed. Put it. Don’t comment in the live chat. Put the comment in the. In the comment section of the video so to remind me. All right. I would therefore like to assure the entire world that a November 1918 will never be repeated in Germany, in german history. Just as I myself am ready to, at any time, to stake my life, anyone can take it from my people and for Germany. So I ask the same of all others. Whoever, however, thinks he can oppose this national command, whether directly or indirectly shall fall.

We have nothing to do with traitors. We are all faithful to our old principle. It is quite important. Excuse me. It is quite unimportant whether we ourselves live, but it is essential that our people shall live, that Germany shall live. The sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice that many generations have made. If we form a community closely bound together by vows, ready for anything, resolved never to surrender, then our will mast. Then our will master every. Then I will master every hardship and difficulty. I don’t think that was what it’s supposed to say.

Then we will master every hardship and difficulty. I think that’s probably more appropriate. And I would like to close with the declaration that I once made when I began the struggle for power of in the Reich. I said, then, if our will is so strong that no hardship and suffering can subdue it, then our will and our german might shall prevail. And then I’m guessing that these are pictures of when they marched into the Sudetenland. Now, this one’s going to be really interesting, because this is going to be just going to be talking about Poland and Danzig and the Danzig corridor.

Address number 3. August 28, 1939. A plea for peace on the eve of war. Background following World War one, the german area of West Prussia was forced to become part of the new state of Poland. West Prussians and residents of the german free city of Danzig were forbidden from becoming part of Germany, while East Prussia was cut off from the german mainland. Official history. Hitler accused Poland of killing Germans as a pretext to invade my side of the story. Emboldened and prodded by the warmongers in Britain and France, Poland’s murderous abuse of its german inhabitants, along with its deliberate border provocations against Germany, could no longer be tolerated.

And I’m guessing that he’s going to touch upon this. But if you go and you look here at this tiny little corridor again, let me see if I can find that map and show you. Okay, so here’s Danzig right here on the map, right? And this is East Prussia. And East Prussia was actually still part of Germany. And then here’s. Here’s Germany. So there was a corridor here where you had people in this area that were German, but were not allowed to be united in Germany, and they were in Poland, and Pole. And the polish military under the leader was basically, they.

I mean, they were brutalizing anybody who. Who was of german descent. I mean, they were. They’d go in, and they were. They were torturing them. They, like, poke their eyes out with bayonets. They, you know, bash their heads in with rifles I mean, I think there was something like 50,000 people that were killed by the polish military, of german, of people of germanic heritage who were civilians. So in that little area there. All right, and don’t quote me on all those numbers, but that’s. I’m just kind of giving you that, just the overall picture. All right.

And here’s a written communique to french president Daladier. My dear Miss minister president, I understand the misgivings to which you give expression. I too have never overlooked the grave responsibilities which are imposed upon those who you are in charge of the fate of nations. As an old frontline fighter, I, like, you know, the horrors of war. Guided by this attitude and experience, I have tried to remove all matters that might cause conflict between our two peoples. I have quite frankly given one assurance to the french people, namely that the return of the Tsar would constitute the precondition for this.

And the SAR was a region. The SAR was. It was a region in. Let me see here, if I can. It shows up on here. The SAR is right here. So you see where it says Sar land, 1935. So the SAr was this area right in here. Let’s see. I quite frankly have given one assurance to the french people, namely that the return of the Tsar would constitute the precondition for this. After its return, I immediately and solemnly pronounced to my my renunciation of any further claims that might concern France. The german people approved of this.

My attitude, as you could judge for yourself during your last visit here, the german people, in the knowledge of its own behavior, held and holds no ill feelings, much less hate, hatred for its one time brave opponent. On the contrary, the pacification of our western frontier led to an increasing sympathy, certainly as far as the german people are concerned, a sympathy which on many occasions showed itself in a really demonstrative way. The construction of the western fortifications which swallowed and still swallow many millions at the time, constructed for Germany a document of acceptance and fixation of the final frontiers of the Reich.

In doing so, the german people have renounced two provinces, one which which once belonged to Germany, later were conquered again at the cost of much blood and finally defended with even more blood. I believe by this renunciation and this attitude, every conceivable source of conflict between our two peoples that might lead to a repetition of the tragedy of 1418 has been done away with. This voluntary limitation of the german claims to life in the west can, however, not be interpreted as an acceptance of all other phases of the Versailles dictate. I have really tried year after year to achieve the revision of at least the most impossible and unbearable provisions of this dictate by way of negotiation.

This was impossible. In this sense, I have tried to remove from all the world the most irrational provisions of the Versailles dictate. I have made an offer to the polish government which, which shocked the german people. No one but me could even dare go before the public with such an offer. I could therefore be made. It could therefore be made only once. I am deeply convinced that if especially England at the time had, instead of starting a wild campaign against Germany and the press and insisted, and instead of launching rumors of a german mobilization, somehow talked to the Poles into being reasonable, Europe today and for 25 years could enjoy a condition of deepest peace.

As things were, polish public opinion was excited by a lie about german aggression. Clear decisions that the situation called for were made difficult for the polish government. Above all, the government’s ability to see the limitations of realistic possibilities was impaired by the guaranteed promises that followed. The polish government declined the proposals. Polish public opinion, convinced that England and France would now fight for Poland, began to make demands one might possibly stigmatize as laughable insanity were they not so tremendously dangerous. And at that point, an unbearable terror, a physical and economic persecution of the Germans, although they numbered more than a million and a half, began in the region seated by the Reich.

Basically what he’s saying here, this is that Germany and. Or is that Poland was promised by France and England that they were going to fight for them. If German did. If Germany did anything to them. And he’s like, that’s. That’s just retarded. That’s. That’s laughable. I do not want to speak of the atrocities that occurred. So if I say that Danzig too was made increasingly conscious through continuous aggressive acts by polish officials of the fact that apparently it was delivered over to the high handedness of a power foreign to the national character of the city and its population.

May I now take the liberty of putting a question to you, Herr Daladier? How would you act as a Frenchman if through some unhappy issue of a brave struggle, one of your provinces severed by a corridor occupied by a foreign power? And if a big city, let us say Marseilles, were hindered from belonging to France? And if frenchmen living in this area were persecuted, beaten and maltreated, yes, murdered in a bestial manner. You are a Frenchman, Herr doll deer, and I therefore know how you would act. I am German, Herr Dalir. Do not doubt my sense of honor nor my consciousness of duty to act exactly like you.

If then you had the misfortunate misfortune that is ours. Would you then, Herr Delde, have any understanding that Germany was without cause to insist that the corridor through France remain, that the robbed territory must not be restored, and that the return of Marseille be forbidden? Certainly I cannot imagine her deld, that Germany would fight against you for this reason. For I and all of us have renounced Alsace Lorraine in order to avoid further bloodshed, much less we, much less would we shed blood in order to maintain an injustice. Injustice that would as unbearable for be unbearable for you as it would be immaterial for to us.

Heavy writing sorry. Possibly we, as old front fighters can best understand each other in a number of fields. I ask you, however, do understand this also, that it is impossible for a nation of honor to renounce the claim of almost 2 million human beings and to them maltreated at its own borders. I have therefore set up a clear demand to Poland. Danzig and the corridor must return to Germany. I see no way of pursuit of persuading Poland, which feels herself as unassailable now that she enjoys the protection of her guarantees, to accept a peaceful solution. If our two countries on that account should be destined to meet again on the field of battle, there would nevertheless be a difference in the motives.

I, Herr Delveder, shall be leading my people in a fight to rectify a wrong, whereas the others would be fighting to preserve that wrong. That is, that is the more tragic since more important men also among your own people have recognized the insanity of the solutions that found at Versailles as also the possibility of maintaining it lastingly. That our two people should enter a new bloody war of destruction is painful not only for you, but also for me, her deladir. As already observed, I see no possibility for us on our part to exert influence in the direction of reasonableness upon Poland for correcting a situation that is unbearable for the german people and the German Reich.

So the. This is a. As a newspaper in the New York Times. Hitler tells Paris he must get Danzig and corridor. Berlin thinks the door is left open to peaceful solution. British answer today to insist on rights of Poland. So. And then this is this, I think. What was this written? The letter was penned on August 28 of 39 and then this was. I think they went in on the first of. On the first September 1 of 39. All right. Oh, I’ll probably end with this and then pick it up. Pick the right. Pick the remainder of it up on Wednesday.

So on the war with Poland, Britain and background. Britain and France are holding firm on the war guarantees that they had issued to Poland. The official story, the official history. On September 1, 1939, Hitler, believing that France and Britain will back down, orders the invasion of Poland, the Allies swiftly declare war on Germany. My side of the story. There were no more options. The polish dictator was determined to have a war of territorial expansion, pushed on by the war guarantees of France and Britain. Poland started the war, not me. And then this is the dress. This is the abridged address to the Reichstag by Hitler deputies, men of the german Reichstag for months.

A problem has tormented all of us. Long ago, the dictate of the Versailles bestowed this problem. Anyone find it weird that the beginning and end of World War Two was almost to the day? Well, that’s. That is. You’re talking about two different things, though, because the. The Japanese were actually already in Manchuria at this time, and I think the Japanese were fighting as early as 1938, maybe even 37, and the war in Europe ended in May. The war didn’t end in Europe or the war didn’t end in the Pacific until August. So it is true that.

I mean, the official start of world War Two is cited as September 1, and the official ending of it in total was in August, but different theaters. But I get your point. I digress. All right. Long ago, the dictator Versailles bestowed this problem on us. In its depravity and degeneracy, it has now become insufferable. Danzig was a german city and is a german city. The corridor was german and is german. These regions owe their cultural development exclusively to the german folk. Without the german folk, these eastern regions would still be plunged in the depths of barbarism.

Danzig was torn from us. Poland annexed the corridor along with the other german territories in the east. The german minorities living there are being persecuted in the vilest manner imaginable. Already in the years 1919 and 1920, over 1 million ethnic Germans were forced off of their lands. As always, I also sought here to bring about a change by peaceful means, by offering proposals to remedy this situation, which meanwhile had become unbearable. It is a lie when others. There’s a lie when others in the world claim that we proceeded only with pressure 15 years before the national socialist rise to leadership, there was ample opportunity to carry out these revisions by peaceful means.

Nothing of the sort was done. In every single case. I made proposals for a revision, not once, but many times, to revise these intolerable conditions. You know that all these proposals were rejected. There is no need for me to enumerate them. My proposals on the limitation of arms, if necessary, even for the complete elimination of weaponry. My proposals for limited warfare, for the abolition of methods employed in modern warfare, which in my eyes are hardly reconcilable with international law. You know of my proposals on the necessity of restoring german sovereignty over the German Reich territory. You know of the endless attempts I made for a peaceful resolution and coming to some understanding regarding the austrian situation and later over the issues regarding the Sudetenland, Bohemia and Moravia.

It was all for naught. There is one thing that is simply not possible. To demand that an unworkable condition be resolved by means of peaceful revision, and then to consistently deny resolution by peaceful means. It is likewise not possible to claim that one who, under the circumstances resorts to resolving the situation by himself, who undertakes the revisions on his own, is in breach of the law. For the dictate of Versailles does not constitute law for us Germans. It was forced on us. You simply cannot uphold and proclaim a signature to represent sanctified law when it. When it was to, ext.

When it was extorted by holding a pistol to the signatories head and threatening to starve millions of human beings if he failed to comply. Thus, I attempted also in the case of Danzig and the corridor, to. To obtain a resolution to the deteriorating conditions by means of proposals and their peaceful discussion. To these ends. Problems had to be resolved. Was entirely clear. That the western states were possibly unconcerned with the time table is understandable. Yet this timetable is not indifferent to us. And most of all, it was not and could not be indifferent to the victims who suffered the most.

In my talks with polish statesmen, I once more expounded those thoughts which you already heard in my last speech before the Reichstag. No man can accuse me of employing inappropriate methods or of applying undue pressure. If it was I who had the german proposals formulated in the end, and I must repeat here that there is nothing more modest or loyal than these proposals. I should like to say to. I should like to say this to the world. I alone was in the position to make such proposals. I know very well that in doing so, I brought myself into opposition to millions of Germans.

These proposals had been. Have been rejected. And not only that, they were answered by. By and with an intensified force on the ethnic Germans in those regions. Further, a deliberate throttling assault took place in the free city of Danzig, commercially and politically, with custom duty maneuvers. Then finally, in the last few weeks, exploits in a military and traffic logistics took hold. Poland has unleashed a battle against the free city of Danzig. It was further not willing to solve the corridor question in the least costly way that would have rendered justice to the interests of both parties.

And ultimately it had not been consent concerned with upholding its responsibilities towards its ethnic minorities. And here I must establish the fact that Germany has fulfilled its obligations. The minorities living within the Reich are not subject to persecution. There is not one frenchman who can stand up to claim that 50 to 100,000 French living in the Saar territory are being oppressed, tortured or robbed of their rights. Not one can claim as much. I have been silently standing by and observing the situation for four months now. Yet I have issued warnings repeatedly and I have intensified these warnings of late.

As long as three weeks ago I already had the polish ambassador informed that if Poland should send further notes to Zanzig in the nature of an ultimatum, if it should implement further repression measures against the Germans there, or if Poland should attempt to destroy Danzig economically by imposing high customs on it, then Germany could simply no longer be expected to stand by without taking action. I left no doubt that it would be a grave mistake in the in this context to compare the Germany of today to the Germany of days past if there were attempts to justify their actions against the ethnic Germans by claiming that these constituted a response to prior provocations.

I know not what type of provocations those women and children had allegedly perpetrated who were abused and abducted. Nor can I imagine what provocations had been perpetrated by those who were the most sadistically and the most beastly tortured, only to be murdered in the end. That I do not know. Yet there is one thing I do know. No honorable great country could calmly tolerate such a state of affairs in the long run. Nevertheless, I made one last effort. And this even though in my heart I was convinced that the polish government, especially given its dependence on the rabble of soldiers now freed of inhibitions, was not serious about attaining a true understanding.

Nevertheless, I tried one last time to accept a mediation proposal from the british government. The British suggested that while they were not willing to negotiate themselves, they suggested and guaranteed to open a direct line of communication between Poland and Germany to initiate talks once more. And now I am forced to state the following. I accepted this proposal. It was for this new round of negotiations that I drafted the proposals known to you. For two whole days I sat with my government and waited to see whether it was convenient, convenient for the polish government to send a plenipotentiary or not.

Up to last night it had not commissioned any such plenipotentiary. Rather, it informed us, through the offices of its ambassador, that it presently contemplating whether or not it is in a position to consider the english proposals, and that they would let England know. My deputies, should someone have the impertinence. Impertinence to expect the German Reich and its head of state to tolerate this? And should the German Reich and its head of state tolerate this, then truly the german nation would deserve no better than to take leave of the political stage, for I am wrongly judged if my love for peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or even cowardice.

Last night I informed the british government that under the circumstances, I no longer see any willingness by the polish government to enter into serious negotiations with us, and thus all attempts at mediation must be considered to have failed. For we had indeed received a response to our proposals, which consisted of general mobilization in Poland and renewed heinous atrocities. These incidents repeated themselves in the course of the night, and this after the recent perpetration of 21 border transgressions in the span of just one single night. Yesterday, 14 additional violations of the border were recorded, among them three of the most serious nature.

I have therefore resolved to speak to Poland in the same language that Poland has employed toward us in the months past. Now that statesmen in the west go about declaring that these infringes on their interests, I can only regret this position. This cannot and will not, however, make me waver for a minute in the fulfillment of my duty. What more is wanted from us? I have solemnly assured the western states, and I repeat this here, that we desire nothing of them. We shall never demand anything of them in the future. I have assured them that the border separating France and Germany is a final one.

Time and time again I have offered friendship and, if necessary, closest cooperation to England. But love cannot be offered from one side only. It must be met with reciprocation by the other side. Germany is not pursuing any interests in the west. The west wall delineates the Reichs border for all time. Our ambitions for the future are no different, and nothing shall ever change the Reichs standpoint in this matter. The other european states in part comprehend our stance here. I wish above all to thank Italy, which lent us support during the entire time. You will understand that we do not wish to appeal to a foreign power for assistance in this struggle.

This is our task, and we shall carry out our responsibilities by ourselves. The neutral states have already assured us of their neutrality. We earlier guaranteed them our neutrality. Our assurances are made in sacred earnestness. As long as other powers do not violate this neutrality, we shall likewise, respect them scrupulously, screw scrupulously. For how could we do, how could we wish to, or desire to conduct ourselves differently towards these states? I am happy to be able to inform you on of a very special development at this point. You know that two different doctrines govern Russia and Germany.

There remained but one question that needed to be clarified. Germany has no intent of exporting its doctrine. And at the moment that Soviet Russia no longer contemplates exporting its doctrine to Germany, I no longer see any compelling reason, not even. Not even once, why we shouldn’t, why we should continue to take opposing stances to both of us. It is completely clear that any struggle between our two peoples would merely benefit others. Hence, we have determined to enter into a pact which shall preclude the application of force between us for all times. It is. It also obliges us to seek mutual consultation in certain european questions.

Moreover, it shall render possible economic cooperation and above all, ensure that the strength of the two great states is not squandered in rivalry with each other. Any attempt by the west to change this is doomed to failure. And one thing I would like to assure us all here today is the decision signals a fundamental change for the future, and it is a final one. I believe the entire german folk welcomes this political resolve. Russia and Germany fought each other in world war only for both to become victims. In the end, this shall not and will not happen a second time.

Yesterday in Moscow and Berlin, the non aggression and mutual consultation pact which which had originally entered into force upon signature, was accorded final ratification in Moscow. This pact was warmingly received. As you receive it here, I second every word of the Russian Foreign Commissar Molotov speech. Our goals. I am determined to resolve the question of Danzig and the question of the corridor, and to see it to that a change of german polish relations as to warrant peaceful coexistence. I am equally determined to wage this war until the present polish government is willing to bring about these conditions, or another polish government shall be willing to do so.

I will cleanse Germany’s borders of this element of insecurity, this civil war like circumstance. I will take care that our border in the east enjoys the same peace as along any other of our borders. I will take the measures necessary in an approach that does not contradict what I have pronounced to be my proposals to the world before you, my deputies and the Reichstag. This means I do not wish to lead this war against women and children. I have ordered my Luftwaffe to limit the tax to military objectives should, however, the enemy regard this as giving him license to employ reverse measures against us, then he shall receive an answer that will knock him senseless.

Last night, for the first time polish regular soldiers invaded our territory and attacked from our soil. We have now been returning fire since 05:45 a.m. henceforth bomb will be met with bomb. He who fights with poison shall be fought with poison gas. He who distances himself from the rules for a humane conduct of warfare can only expect us to take to take like steps. I will lead this battle whoever the adversary may be until the security of the Reich and its rights have been assured. For over six years I’ve worked on the rearmament of the German Wehrmacht.

I have spent over 90 billion reichsmarks for this today. It is the best equipped in the entire world and defies comparison to our military of 1914. My confidence in it is unshakable. When I call upon this Wehrmacht and when I now demand sacrifice from the german folk, even the ultimate sacrifice should there be need, then I have a right to do this because today I am as willing as I was before to make any personal sacrifice. I am asking of no german man more than I volunteered for and was ready to do four years. Germans should not be asked to make any sacrifices I myself would not make without an instant hesitation.

I now wish to be nothing other than the first soldier of the German Reich. Therefore I have put on that tunic which has always been the most holy and dear to me. I shall not take it off again until after victory is ours or I shall not live to see the day. Should something happen to me in this war my immediate successor shall be goring. I would like to assure the world around us of one thing. There shall never be another. November 1918 in german history provided all us form parties of this community sworn together determined never to capitulate and our will shall master all need.

I conclude with the declaration I once made as I began my struggle for leadership in the Reich. Back then I said when our will is strong enough that need can no longer vanquish it, then our will and our german steel will vanquish and conquer need. Deutschland so anyway the looking at this I’m going to kind of give a few historical things here and then I’ll let it all end. But Poland was given assurances by England and France that they would go to war on their behalf. Well what Hitler did is he, he went to Russia and he asked Russia to go in.

He asked Russia for a non aggression pact. They willingly did it. I don’t think they really trusted each other. But at the time, what he did was if Poland was going to. If Poland was going to be defended by France and England, if Russia invaded France and England, then that would mean that England and France would also have to go to war with Russia. So everybody knows that Germany invaded Poland, but not very many people realize that Russia also invaded Poland from the east. They kind of met in the middle. They basically divided Poland up. But Russia or.

But France and England never, never declared war on Russia for the exact same thing that they declared war on Germany for. You got to understand that the war, you know, Hitler was trying to seek a peaceful solution to. It would be like. It would be like if. Let’s say that Florida was. Florida was part of the United States, but Georgia, Ala, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi were ceded to Mexico. And there was a. There was a separation there. And you had people that were Americans that were living in Georgia, Alabama and. And Mississippi, who were being mistreated by the mexican army.

They were being butchered. And, you know, say there was a major city, mobile, Alabama, which was, you know, being. Which was a port that. Where things came in, and they were. It was being huge tariffs that were being put on things, um, you know, that were causing, uh, you know, high prices for the end user, uh, especially in that corridor. Well, you know, you. Do you think that if. Do you think that if Trump was president, he would be like, no, hell no. No, that ain’t gonna happen. We let you do that. And then he had the best military in the world, and he says, all right, we’re gonna go in there and take him.

We’re gonna go in there and handle business. Well, I mean, Poland surrendered in, like, three weeks. I mean, it was. Poland didn’t survive, but, like, three weeks. And Germany and France never came to their aid ever. I mean, they did a little bit. They came over. I think the, the british army came over, and then they had, they had some skirmishes with the german army, but the Germans came in and pushed him into the sea, and then they stopped at Dunkirk and let the. Let the british army escape. So, anyway, let me look at some of the comments here.

Let’s see. No, not mine campf. This is called mine side of the story. This is basically, these are speeches that members of the german government, mostly Hitler, were giving to people or letters that they had written to foreign ambassadors or foreign presidents or whatnot. So Assange is free, huh? When. When did that happen? Is. Are you serious, Willie? Wow, 15 minutes ago. Um. That’s crazy. We’ll see what happens there. Lots of. Lots of stuff going on. He pled out. Huh. Entering. Interesting. Well, um. So, uh. Oh, let me show this here real quick, because this is.

This is relevant to the situation. So these are pictures. This is the dreams of restoring Poland’s long gone empire danced in Emperor Smigley’s mind. And what he wanted to do is he wanted to have polish empire, the polish lithuanian empire, go all the way into, like, Ukraine and whatnot. So, you know, clearly he had ambitions. These are really. Okay, so I’m just going to read them because it’s. It’s murdered and castrated body of a minority German found near Bromberg. Yeah. Not yet identified. And then this says here lie 18 bodies found on the bank of the Bromberg canal.

It’s really fuzzy. Among them, the two bodies of. There are two bodies of two children. Um, with the exception of a few, all of the dead had their heads or had their hands tied behind their back. And I’m guessing that says here the torture, mutilation massacre at Bromberg occurred just two days after the liberating Germans arrived in western Prussia. The brutality of the mass killing gave an indication of the type of abuse that the innocent Germans trapped in Poland had been suffering, while smigly looked the other way. Smigly being the emperor of Poland. So. So we’ll pick up next time on address five of the victory speech in Danzig.

So that is where we will pick up next time. So, y’all have a good evening, and I will see you guys tomorrow. I’m not sure if we’re going to have. I’m not sure where Doug is, if we’re going to have the constitution class, but we definitely will have the. Excuse me. Definitely have the Tuesday with Mike. And we’re going to be doing something with Japan. We’re going to talk about Japan tomorrow night. So, anyway, hope you guys all enjoy your evening, and I will see you mana. Have a good night, everybody.
[tr:tra].

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